Good evening, fighter fans!
Having moved a little over a year ago, unpacking, embarking on a new career and basically settling in, I've neglected my blog and after much trouble have regained access to it--after establishing that the malfunction was caused by an operator headspace error.
I've continued expanding the original manuscript for my F-101 book and have been assisting a couple of other authors with their own research projects. As time allows, I am continuing to research USAF and Communist night fighter operations in the Korean War. The manuscript on a new book on the F3H Demon is on the back burner but continuing to simmer away. I've also been delving deep into ECM development for SAC bombers from the Korean War to the early years over Vietnam.
Things have been a little crazy and for those who may be following me in this dusty little corner of the Internet, my apologies for the absence. But in any case, look for more Voodoo and fighter goodness to come your way soon!
The Fighter Writer: Ron Easley's Aviation Blog
Saturday, August 26, 2017
Tuesday, February 9, 2016
Taiwan and the RF-101A Voodoo
After the conclusion of the Korean War, the Communist
Chinese began construction of at least ten new airfields across the Taiwan
Straits from the island of Formosa, or Taiwan, which since 1948 had been the
refuge of Kuomintang or “Nationalist Chinese” forces after their expulsion from
the mainland. Having evacuated to
Formosa, they remained as a government-in-exile as the Republic of China. The late 1950s saw a continuing pattern of
improvements to Red Chinese capabilities that could threaten Taiwan and its key
strategic outposts on the islands of Quemoy, covering the approaches to the
port city of Amoy, and Matsu, overlooking the port city of Fuzhou. Also, a rail line had been built from the
city of Yingtan to Amoy, along with a major POL (Petroleum, Oil, and
Lubricants) facility of 1,500,000 gallons capacity located at about the halfway
point. The rail line, completed in early
1957, offered a vastly increased capability to sustain logistical support of an
invasion of Nationalist-held territories.
Soon after the Quemoy crisis of 1958 came advanced Soviet-supplied
weapons such as the MiG-19 and SA-2 “Guideline” surface-to-air missile.
With the need to monitor Red Chinese activity in the
aftermath of the latest crisis over the Taiwan Strait, an agreement between the
USAF and Republic of China Air Force (ROCAF) was signed in November 1959 to
provide reconnaissance aircraft. By this
point, the ROCAF had already received several now-obsolescent RF-86F aircraft, and operated about 20 Republic
RF-84F Thunderstreaks, four North American RF-100A “Slick Chicks”, and a single Martin RB-57D for high-altitude reconnaissance. The ROCAF was dissatisfied with the RF-100A as it entered service in 1959 and by the time
it was retired at the beginning of 1961, it never flew an operational
mission. To augment high-speed,
low-altitude reconnaissance assets and replace the RF-100As, four RF-101A Voodoos would be supplied to Taiwan under
Project Boom Town.
The four RF-101As transferred were 54-1500 as “650”, 54-1503 as
“652”, 54-1499 as “654”, and 54-1519 as “656”.
USAF records show two aircraft delivered to the ROCAF on 28 October 1959
under provisions of the Military Assistance Program (MAP). These aircraft were assigned to the 4th Tactical Reconnaissance Squadron at Taoyuan
AB, west of the capital city of Taipei.
At least in December 1959, these aircraft appear to have been on PACAF’s
books as it had a total of 40 RF-101A/C
aircraft assigned, four more than authorized, based at Kadena AB, Okinawa with
the 15th TRS and the 45th TRS
at Misawa AB, Japan. Conversion training
for the ROCAF pilots took place at Kadena AB.
Once the ROCAF pilots of the 4th TRS completed their training on the Voodoo,
missions over the coastal areas of the Chinese mainland began on 8 December 1960
under Project Sentry Dog, covering all of the Communist air bases opposite of
Quemoy. The ROCAF was very pleased with
the low-level reconnaissance ability of the RF-101A, despite the fact that their
aircraft used standard A-9B film magazines without image motion control, which
limited their minimum mission altitude. Ingress
routes to the objective were flown at literally rooftop level, avoiding trees
and power lines along the way, followed by a “pop-up” to a suitable altitude
over the objective to ensure good image quality and then maximum power egress back
toward the Taiwan Strait at supersonic speed.
In addition to Red Chinese airfields, the Voodoos also soon collected
detailed photographs of radar sites and Communist monitoring stations and
signals intelligence (SIGINT) facilities directed toward the heavily-populated
northern half of Taiwan. A mission by Major
Yeh Chang-ti in June 1961 brought back photos of five new
MiG airfields along the coast, for which both Major Yeh and the 4th
TRS were personally recognized by Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek. Major Yeh soon went on to become one of the
first ROCAF pilots assigned to fly the U-2 as one of the famed “Black Cats.”
Attrition losses soon began to take their toll on the small
Nationalist RF-101A fleet.
On 23 July 1961, an RF-101A, 54-1503 as “5652”, was badly
damaged in an accident and unavailable until the end of 1961. An attrition replacement was soon provided,
54-1498 as “5649”. This aircraft became the
first-ever combat loss of an RF-101 on 2 August 1961, when “5649” was shot down
by anti-aircraft fire over the port of Fuzhou in mainland China. The pilot, Major Wu Pao-tze, was captured and became a
POW. Subjected to brainwashing by his captors, Wu
later collaborated by a broadcast calling upon ROCAF Voodoo pilots by name to
defect to the mainland with their aircraft.
The damaged aircraft, “5652”, was repaired during the fall of 1961 and returned
to service, bringing the total strength back to four aircraft. As Chiang Kai-shek continued his plans to overthrow the Communist
government on the mainland and the Red Chinese continued work toward building
an atomic bomb, ROCAF reconnaissance aircraft continued to remain quite busy
conducting missions over the coastal areas of the mainland.
Nationalist Chinese operations with the RF-101A continued after the conclusion of the 1962
Taiwan Strait crisis in August of that year.
In early 1963, the first of three new RF-101As were transferred to Taiwan under MAP to take
the place of three of the original aircraft that were scheduled for depot-level
maintenance at Hill AFB. These aircraft,
“5650” (54-1500), “5652” (54-1503) and “5654” (54-1499) departed for the United
States via Kadena AB. The replacement
aircraft appear to have been 54-1501 (as “5651”), 54-1505 (as “5660”) and
54-1506 (as “5658”). At least the last
two aircraft had been modified with the small afterburner cooling inlet on the
leading edge of the vertical fin, as present on the RF-101C. This appears to have been a one-off
modification to allow the ROCAF RF-101A aircraft extended time in afterburner.
Tensions across the Taiwan Strait increased sharply with the
detonation of an atomic bomb by the Communist Chinese on 16 October 1964. Reconnaissance sorties by ROCAF RF-101A aircraft had begun to increase during the
summer of 1964. Meanwhile, Taiwan was in
the midst of transitioning from the RF-84F to the new RF-104G, which would become
operational with the 12th TRS in November 1964. The ROCAF suffered its second combat loss of
an RF-101A when “5651” (54-1501) was severely damaged by
a J-6 (MiG-19) “Farmer” interceptor over
Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province in late December 1964. Major Hsieh Hsiang-ho was captured by local fishermen after bailing
out of his stricken Voodoo just offshore and became a POW. Up to
that point, ROCAF RF-101As had completed 139 successful reconnaissance missions
over the Chinese mainland without being intercepted by Communist MiGs. A second loss to the speedy and powerful J-6 occurred on 18 March 1965 with the loss of “5656”
(54-1519) and the pilot, Lt. Col. Chang Yu-pao, who was killed in action.
His aircraft was shot down over the Taiwan Strait just offshore of
Guangdong, near Shantou. This would be
the last operational loss of a Nationalist RF-101A. Left with two operational RF-101A Voodoos that suddenly appeared vulnerable to
the MiG-19, on 22 April 1965 the Air Staff at Headquarters USAF reportedly ordered
that they be replaced in their role by RF-104G aircraft with the speed and acceleration to
evade the newer interceptors. However,
this account is disputed by Taiwanese sources.
Analysis of MAP records shows a sharp reduction in flying hours per
aircraft for the RF-101A after the losses, but by the late summer of
1965 this decision had either been rescinded or ignored by the ROCAF as RF-101A utilization returned to early 1965 levels. Both the RF-101A and RF-104G maintained a similar number flying hours per
aircraft through mid 1970, averaging roughly 60 hours per quarter, strongly
implying that the RF-101A was not superseded but rather complemented by
the RF-104G.
Although faster, the RF-104G carried only three 70-millimeter format KS-67A cameras in a trimetrogon configuration in the
forward fuselage in front of the engine.
The negatives were much smaller than the 9-inch by 9-inch negatives of
the KA-2 cameras carried by the RF-101A in the same arrangement. The RF-104G did not have any provision for a forward
oblique camera and could not conduct “dicing” missions as the RF-101A could.
The newer aircraft also had nothing even approaching the capabilities of
the split vertical KA-1 arrangement of the RF-101A. While the 70-millimeter cameras did offer
good resolution given their size, the area covered by the trimetrogon fan was
also deemed insufficient. However, the
retention of the KA-2 cameras in the ROCAF Voodoos restricted their
minimum mission altitude as had been the case for USAF aircraft during the
Cuban Missile Crisis. Using the A-9B
film magazines with no IMC capability, the RF-101A would have had a V/H ratio of about 0.26,
limiting their aircraft to a minimum altitude of about 1,700 feet at 400 knots
and 2,600 feet at its maximum speed of 637 knots. Overall, although the low-altitude
performance of the RF-104G was impressive, the opinion within the ROCAF
was that it was hampered by its camera system and seldom produced quality
results. The ROCAF RF-101A contingent was brought back up to four
aircraft by the end of 1965 with the return from Hill AFB of two of the
aircraft sent to the United States for maintenance. The third aircraft, 54-1503, was apparently
too far gone for economical repair and was not returned. This left the surviving ROCAF force as
consisting of 54-1499 (“5654”), 54-1500 (“5650”), 54-1505 (“5660”) and 54-1506
(“5658”), still serving with the 4th Tactical Reconnaissance
Squadron.
Chiang Kai-shek’s continued obsession with
“liberating” mainland China against clearly insurmountable Communist forces had
long ago become a source of friction with the United States, which had
committed to defend Taiwan against attack but would never approve of overt
military action to overthrow the regime of Mao Tse-tung. From an aerial reconnaissance standpoint, the
issue came to a head over the course of 1967.
On 13 January 1967, an RF-104G mission over the mainland led to an air battle
over the Taiwan Strait in which a pair of Red Chinese MiG-19s were downed by
F-104Gs covering the escape of the ROCAF reconnaissance aircraft. The day previously, another RF-104G
conducting a high-altitude mission over a coastal objective was pursued over
the Taiwan Strait for the first time by a pair of MiG-21 interceptors. This was followed in the late summer of 1967 by
the downing of a ROCAF U-2 over Quzhou in Jiaxing Province. These events soon led to the termination of
all CIA and US military-sponsored overflights of mainland China by ROCAF
reconnaissance aircraft. From this point
on, only peripheral missions using oblique photography would be approved. The last overflight of mainland China by a
ROCAF U-2 occurred on 16 March 1968.
Coincident with the planned retirement of the RF-101 from
the regular USAF, the Nationalist Chinese RF-101A force was reduced in the fall of 1970 from
four aircraft to one operational aircraft.
It would appear that the three retired ROCAF aircraft were retired to
provide equipment spares for the last remaining aircraft, 54-1500
(“5650”). Despite its age, the last
remaining RF-101A offered unique imaging capabilities that could
not be equaled by the RF-104G. This last aircraft remained operational with
the 4th TRS until the unit was deactivated in February
1973, when it was transferred to the 12th TRS for its last six
months of active service into the summer of 1973, when it was retired from
service on 1 August and later returned to the United States. RF-101A 54-1500 does not show up in AMARC records and
was apparently scrapped at Hill AFB. The
other three aircraft remained in Taiwan to become display aircraft, where they
remain at this writing.
Saturday, January 2, 2016
Voodoos vs. MiGs: 1965-1968
Selected North Vietnamese pilots had begun training in China
to operate MiG-15s and MiG-17s in 1960.
By the end of 1962 this contingent received 36 MiG-17F “Fresco-C”
fighters to form the first fighter squadron of the Vietnam People’s Air Force
(VPAF), the 921st Fighter Regiment, but both the unit and its
aircraft remained in China. In the
aftermath of the Gulf of Tonkin incident, the 921st Fighter Regiment was recalled from China and
arrived at Noi Bai airport (known to the Americans as Phuc Yen) near Hanoi on 6
August 1964. In April 1965, North
Vietnamese MiG-17s made their first kills of the war when two
MiG-17Fs of the 921st Fighter Regiment shot down two F-105Ds of the 355th TFW near Thanh
Hoa. Maj. F. E. Bennett and Capt. J. A. Magnuson were killed in action. The threat of MiGs had appeared, but then
seemed to fade afterwards. Of greater
concern to mission planners was new imagery of two SA-2 “Guideline” surface-to-air missile sites under
construction. Concerned about the MiG
threat, in June 1965 CINCPAC in Hawai’i ordered daily photo coverage of all
jet-capable airfields in North Vietnam above 20-degrees North latitude. Green Python RF-101Cs from Udorn RTAFB covered the requirement on
odd days, Navy RF-8As on even days.
Effective 7 September 1965, the VPAF formed a second fighter squadron,
the 923rd Regiment, equipped with MiG-17s. By this time, the 921st had
begun conversion to the MiG-21F-13 “Fishbed-C” and operated both types. On 18 September 1965, the Americans
discovered eight MiG fighters photographed at a new base at Kep Airfield, 35
nautical miles northeast of Hanoi, along with 24 shipping crates at Phuc
Yen. Soon, US intelligence analysts
noted that the North Vietnamese were demonstrating proficiency in GCI control
of MiGs. By early November, CINCPAC
expressed concern that MiGs might present a greater threat to recon aircraft. 2nd Air Division assured CINCPAC that the speed and
maneuverability of the RF-101C would be sufficient defense against MiG-15 and MiG-17 interceptors.
VPAF pilots of the 923rd Fighter Regiment on the flight line with their new MiG-17F “Fresco-C” interceptors. USAF. |
The MiGs were the newest threat, but others remained more
concerning. While anti-aircraft guns remained the deadliest component of North
Vietnamese air defenses, planners continued to cast a wary eye on the
increasing numbers of SA-2 sites being discovered in North Vietnam,
especially after the brief and unsuccessful introduction of the QRC-160 ECM pod in the spring of 1965. Throughout the course of May 1965, U-2 aircraft monitored the emplacement of more
sites surrounding Hanoi. RF-101Cs could not provide detailed photography of the
sites due to the 40 nautical mile range restriction around Haiphong and the MiG
base at Phuc Yen. It had been noticed
that MiGs would not be scrambled against targets outside of the 40-mile radius.
Engagement envelopes of guns and surface to air missiles encountered during the conflict in Indochina. USAF. |
The North Vietnamese MiGs tangled with the Voodoo for the
first time on 12 October 1965. A pair of
RF-101s conducting a mission near Yen Bai, 30 miles northwest of Hanoi,
reported taking cannon fire from a pair of MiG-17s,
but received no damage. A month later,
on 15 November 1965, two 15th TRS
RF-101Cs were flying at 9,000 feet photographing an
objective at Yen Bai when they encountered a pair of MiGs passing behind them
at 15,000 feet, setting up in a high left perch, and then diving right to open
fire on the wingman. After completing
his photo run, the lead RF-101Cs egressed at maximum speed toward friendly
territory. Meanwhile, the wingman descended
to 500 feet AGL and maximum speed, transiting Yen Bai at 100 feet. The MiG-17s,
flying into the face of ferocious anti-aircraft fire directed toward the
Voodoos from a significant portion of the 200 AAA pieces at Yen Bai, broke off
their attack and the second RF-101s successfully returned to Udorn after the
pilot flew into a fog-filled valley and used the tremendous power of his Voodoo
to execute a rapid climb to 44,000 feet.
On 26 November, two more Voodoos conducting a mission north of Yen Bai
were engaged by four MiG-17s diving at them and opening fire with their
cannons from a range of 4,000 feet. The
RF-101s broke left and dived down to 200 feet, losing sight of the MiGs and
returning home. Within a month, the new
MiG-21s of the 921st regiment were known to be active. At about the same time, the VPAF received the
first of ten radar-equipped MiG-17PF “Fresco-D” interceptors. In late January 1966 the 921st Fighter Regiment began introduction of the
MiG-21F-13 “Fishbed-C”, taking part in combat missions
the following month alongside the more numerous MiG-17. A number of MiG sightings occurred in
February and March 1966, the most notable of which concerned a mission near the
Chinese border on 12 February 1966. A
pair of RF-101s had completed a reconnaissance run over an objective in North
Vietnam at 40,000 feet when they had apparently strayed inside of Chinese
airspace to a point about 5 miles west of where the Tengtiao River crosses the
border with North Vietnam. Two incoming
bogeys were sighted on a southerly heading toward them, but abruptly turned
west at the time of the sighting. No
positive identification could be made but they were apparently inbound Chinese
MiGs. The Voodoo experienced another
reported encounter with MiGs over North Vietnam on 17 March 1966. Two RF-101Cs piloted by Major Hallet P. Marston and Captain Richard M. Cooper were near their objective in the vicinity of
Dien Bien Phu when they were engaged by MiG-17s,
which made four firing passes. Dense
haze allowed RF-101s to evade further visual contact, engage afterburner and
escape, easily outdistancing the pursuing MiGs.
On 23 April 1966, MiG-21s engaged American fighters for the first time
with no success. By this time the VPAF received its first MiG-21PF “Fishbed-D” interceptors. Over the course of the spring of 1966,
numerous problems with the R-3S (NATO: AA-2 “Atoll”)
missiles and inexperience with the relatively complex fire control system of
the MiG-21 resulted in very limited combat
effectiveness. While the initial
MiG-21F-13 aircraft were each armed with a single
30-millimeter cannon, the newer MiG-21PF with its much more capable RP-21 radar had no
internal cannon and relied solely upon either “Atoll”
missiles or 57-millimeter rocket pods.
The North Vietnamese pilots were also required to work within overly
strict and inflexible tactical guidelines.
In the case of the MiG-21 pilots, the tactical maneuvers that worked
well for the agile MiG-17 proved far less suited to the MiG-21. With the introduction of the MiG-21, both MiG
types underwent a division of labor in which the MiG-21s would engage targets above 8,000 feet, and the
MiG-17s anything below 5,000 feet. Any aircraft in the intermediate zone could
be engaged by either type. However, the
SA-2 surface-to-air missile remained the primary
defensive weapon.
The reintroduction of ECM pods and changes in tactics to avoid gunfire
in the latter half of 1966 caused a change in MiG activity. To avoid the far more numerous small-caliber
AAA weapons, USAF strike aircraft started flying their missions above a minimum
altitude of 6,500 feet. Beginning in the
early fall, F-105 units reintroduced improved ECM pods that proved highly effective against both
missiles and the fire control radars of the larger-caliber AAA guns. However, the pods had the disadvantage of
highlighting the positions of strike packages on the scopes of North Vietnamese
GCI operators, who could triangulate on the American strike aircraft and vector
MiGs to those positions. As a result,
VPAF MiG pilots became distinctly more active and aggressive toward the end of
1966.
On New Year’s Day 1967, two RF-101Cs photographing objectives southwest of Hanoi
received an electronic indication of approaching MiGs. Along with much of the fleet, the Voodoos had
recently been modified with AN/APR-25 radar warning receivers, which showed an
X-Band strobe at their 10 o’clock, moving toward their 9 o’clock position. The contact then settled into their 6 o’clock
at one ring, uncomfortably close. Taking
advantage of dense cloud cover and accelerating to Mach 1.05, the recon aircraft
turned for home and noted the high speed of the pursuing aircraft, which were
able to remain close enough to remain at two rings on the indicator before the
contact broke off pursuit at the Laos border.
The Voodoo pilots could not get a visual identification on the
interceptors but due to their speed believed that they were MiG-21s. However, the next day the North Vietnamese
MiG-21 force was dealt a very severe blow on 2
January 1967, courtesy of Operation Bolo, conceived by the staff of
the legendary former commander of the 81st Tactical Fighter Wing at RAF Bentwaters and
new boss of the 8th TFW “Wolfpack”, Colonel Robin Olds, claiming seven VPAF
MiGs. While the MiG-17s were directed to remain below the cloud deck
over the area, the MiG-21s climbed through to engage what they thought
was another strike force of F-105 Thunderchiefs to meet a buzz saw composed of
waves of hungry F-4C Phantoms that were loaded for bear with
air-to-air missiles. North Vietnamese
MiG-21s would remain out of action for several months
as they reformed their depleted ranks while MiG-17 operations continued at a lower level than had
been the case previously.
Colonel Robin Olds, former commander of the 81st TFW ca. October 1967 as commander of the 8th TFW in Thailand. USAF. |
With the North Vietnamese MiG force at least temporarily out
of commission, the focus of American defensive efforts shifted back to electronic
countermeasures. Much of the effectiveness of the ECM was contingent upon a properly-spaced tactical
formation. The protection afforded by
QRC-160A-1 pods was additive, single aircraft were judged
to remain somewhat vulnerable. Although
the pods produced extra drag, the effect was offset by a net increase in fuel
efficiency due to the reduced need for evasive maneuvering. With the successful test of the improved
QRC-160 equipment after its troublesome introduction
in 1965, medium altitude was opened up once again for USAF tactical
aircraft. After the spectacular success
of the evaluation, the QRC-160A-1 pod was soon given an official designation as
the AN/ALQ-71. However, although its overall reliability was
greatly improved, the ram-air turbine providing power to the electronics proved
prone to failure, disabling the pod.
Also, at ranges closer than 8 to 10 nautical miles from the target
emitter, the jammed radar would begin to “burn through” and render the pod
ineffective. Due to its radiation
pattern, maneuvering flight could negate the pod’s effectiveness.
Rear quarter view of the QRC-160A-1 self-protection ECM pod, accepted into service as the AN/ALQ-71. USAF. |
By January 1967, 7th Air Force now had enough ALQ-71 pods available to begin equipping F-4s and
F-105s. For the time being, the RF-101C was not selected to carry the new ECM pod.
The stated reasons were that RF-101s usually flew alone and would refuse
to jam until being tracked by hostile radar.
Therefore, the Navy’s AN/ALQ-51 deception jammer seemed ideal for the Voodoo
as it activated automatically after being triggered by signals from a targeting
radar. The ALQ-51 also had the advantage of being internally
mounted and therefore avoiding the previous drag and wing twisting problems
experienced with the RF-101 when carrying the QRC-160-1 pod in the spring of
1965. The equipment was initially very
effective at countering SA-2 missiles, but during the summer of 1967 RF-101
losses began to mount as North Vietnamese defenses began to rapidly adjust.
7th Air Force therefore directed withdrawing ALQ-51 units from use after less than a year. A new directive was issued to resume two-ship
RF-101C flights, with each aircraft carrying a pair of
ALQ-71 pods under wings. Due to the detrimental effect on the best
defensive qualities of the RF-101, maneuverability and above all speed, it was
directed that the Voodoo aircraft remain away from MiG operating areas, leaving
these target sets to the faster and more capable RF-4C. An alternate tactic allowing some more
flexibility for the RF-101C was to provide fighter escorts carrying the
ALQ-71 pods to provide protection.
Although MiG activity had decreased after Operation Bolo, RF-101s continued to
occasionally encounter MiGs in the early months of 1967. Two weeks after Operation Bolo, on 16 January 1967, an
RF-101C inbound at 22,000 feet to photograph a
secondary target in Laos about 45 nautical miles southwest of Dien Bien Phu received
an X-Band contact on his APR-25 receiver at 1 o’clock, which persisted for
three minutes. He then sighted a silver,
swept wing aircraft at 25,000 feet, setting up for an apparent quartering
head-on attack. The pilot broke his
Voodoo hard left 180 degrees and descended through a thin cloud deck at 12,000
feet at military power and made his way back to Udorn RTAFB. Barely two weeks later, 65 nautical miles
northwest of Hanoi, a pair of RF-101s climbing through 10,000 feet tallied a
pair of MiG-17s orbiting directly overhead. The Voodoos quickly ducked back down to 100
feet AGL to avoid being noticed and continued their mission. On 10 February 1967, another pair of RF-101s
at 21,000 feet operating over northeastern Laos, about 30 miles from the border
with North Vietnam, sighted a MiG on a reciprocal heading at about 35,000 feet
and 10 miles. Heading northwest and
crossing into North Vietnamese airspace to a point east of Dien Bien Phu, the
Voodoos about 15 minutes later sighted an IL-14 “Crate” transport at 4,000 feet, flying out of
Dien Bien Phu. While the RF-101s were
photographing the transport, they noticed an Mi-6 “Hook” heavy transport
helicopter in the same vicinity.
Finally recovered from its mauling at the hands of the
Phantoms of Robin Olds’ 8th TFW
“Wolfpack” to open 1967, the MiG-21s of the 921st Fighter Regiment re-entered the fight during
the spring of that year. Shortly after
Operation Bolo, the VPAF high command
evaluated what had happened and made changes to ensure that such an event would
never happen again. One of the first
adjustments was to change to “hit-and-run” tactics that played to the strengths
of the MiG-21, namely speed, acceleration,
and presentation of a small, fleeting target.
These qualities were tactically integrated with the positive qualities
of the MiG-17, which still formed the
backbone of the VPAF. Attacking MiGs
would work primarily in small groups of two to four aircraft approaching at
varying altitudes. The MiG-21s would be positioned to attack American
aircraft from above with “Atoll” missiles while the MiG-17s would approach from the sides of approaching
strike formations to make the best use of their maneuverability and heavy
cannon armament. The VPAF MiG-21s resumed combat operations on 23 April 1967
with the engagement of USAF F-4Cs. On 29 April, a MiG-21 was sighted by a Voodoo
during a mission over Hoa Loc airfield.
Flying at 15,000 feet, the RF-101 was fired on by an SA-2 when at the same time the pilot noticed the
MiG at 4 o’clock and 6 miles, climbing.
There was no further contact and the Voodoo returned to base. Several days later, on 3 May 1967, the pilots
of a pair of Voodoos conducting a mission in North Vietnam 16 miles ENE of Thai
Nguyen noticed black puffs 25-50 feet from their aircraft, then observed a
single MiG tracking them from their right at 2 miles. There was no further contact with the
MiG. On 22 May, a pair of RF-101s
photographing the Xac Mai motor pool south of Hanoi at 12-14,000 feet observed
the launch of two SA-2 missiles.
At the same time the second missile passed them, the Voodoos began to
take fire from 85-mm AAA. A MiG alert
soon followed, after which the American pilots noticed what appeared to be two
MiG-17s at their 8 o’clock position. After two more SA-2s were fired at them, they
received a MiG call on the Guard frequency just before it cut out due to enemy
jamming. The RF-101s chose to select
afterburner for 3 minutes and egress southwest toward Laos to clear the
mountains, then dropped to low level to ensure that they shook off any pursuing
MiGs.
Due to the improved tactics and increased familiarity with
the MiG-21 and its somewhat cumbersome weapon system, the
MiG-21 saw increased activity through the spring and well into the summer of
1967. On 11 June 1967, an RF-101C on a Blue Tree mission 17 miles southeast of Son La, just
north of the border with Laos, was at 25,000 feet when the pilot noticed a MiG-21
with contrails at 30,000 feet and 5 miles.
When the MiG broke right to dive toward the Voodoo, the pilot dropped
his external tanks and executed a left diving turn to level off at 100 feet
AGL, selected afterburner, and egressed at 620 knots on the deck, picking up an
X-Band strobe on his APR-25 display.
The Voodoo pilot noticed that the MiG appeared to parallel his aircraft
during his descent but was not observed again after crossing a short distance
into Laos. Numerous MiG warnings were
being received that day for 60 miles west to 80 miles northwest of Hanoi. The luck for the intrepid Voodoo crews was
about to run out. On 16 September 1967,
a 20th TRS RF-101C, 56-0180, was shot down by a
MiG-21about 5 miles north of Son La. The Voodoo was flown by Maj. Bob Bagley as part of two-ship formation photographing
the Northwest Railroad. Bagley was captured and became a POW. The following day, another 20th TRS
Voodoo, 56-0181, flown by Capt. Bob Patterson, who had been downed by an
SA-2 less than three months previously, was also
downed by a MiG-21 but fortunately was once again rescued by American
forces. Both aircraft were downed by
MiG-21F-13 “Fishbed-C” fighters assigned to the 921st “Sao
Do” Fighter regiment, using AA-2 Atoll missiles in both cases. Nguyen Ngoc Do claimed Bagley’s aircraft while flying
“4420”, while Pham Thanh Ngan claimed Patterson’s Voodoo in “4520.” The standard configuration for the RF-101C during such a mission would have called for
the carriage of ALQ-71 pods, but these incidents made it clear that
they reduced the speed of the Voodoo to such a degree that the RF-101C could be overtaken by the MiG-21 before the
interceptors would have to break off due to low fuel. These two incidents led 7th Air
Force to prohibit further RF-101C missions over the heavily-defended northern
areas of North Vietnam, but missions over Laos and the North Vietnam panhandle
continued. The 20th TRS
experienced its last RF-101C loss when Nick Pishvanov was hit by gunfire over Laos, leading to the
loss of 56-0212. Pishvanov ejected and was soon rescued by a CH-3 “Jolly
Green Giant” rescue helicopter. Now
vulnerable to the MiG-21 with the ALQ-71 pods and to the SA-2 without them, there was no recourse left but
to withdraw the RF-101C from major combat operations over North
Vietnam.
MiG-21PF “Fishbed-D” interceptor with underwing AA-2 “Atoll” missile. USAF. |
As a postscript, the RF-101 would soon be evaluated against the
same aircraft that had recently demonstrated success against the Voodoo, a
captured MiG-21F-13 in Nevada, given the code name “Have Doughnut.” Provided to the USAF by the Israeli
government after their intelligence services had arranged with an Iraqi pilot
to defect with his aircraft, the Fishbed-C was evaluated against a variety of
USAF and U.S. Navy aircraft beginning in February 1968 within the restricted
airspace of the Nevada Test Site. The
sole evaluation of the MiG-21 against a “clean” 363rd TRW RF-101 at 15,000 feet took place during a
40 minute flight on 15 March 1968. Acceleration was compared between the two
aircraft at both military and maximum power, yielding basically equal
results. During the two simulated engagements
that followed, the MiG-21 was able to keep up with and track the Voodoo through
its break turn and maneuvers during diving flight. The MiG-21 experienced significant buffet at
530 knots indicated airspeed and was unable to accelerate further while the
RF-101 continued to accelerate away to reach a speed of 650 knots. The results of the test flight indicated that
the best defensive maneuver for the RF-101 when engaged by a MiG-21 was a
straight unloaded acceleration with minimum maneuvering to defeat an “Atoll”
missile launch and separate at minimum altitude. A steep descent of 45-degree dive angle would
not only take advantage of ground clutter against the infrared seeker head of
the “Atoll,” but due to the high stick
forces and poor pitch rate of the MiG-21 at speeds above 500 KIAS at these
relatively low altitudes, the MiG pilot would have to be worried about ground
impact. An earlier evaluation flight
against an F-105D equipped with the same APR-25 RWR carried by the RF-101C showed that it was
vulnerable to the X-band SRD-5MK “High Fix” radar of the MiG-21F-13 and would not detect the radar until the MiG
was within launch range of the “Atoll”
missile at an average distance of 1.9 nautical miles and could not detect it at
all past 2.7 nautical miles.
Soon afterwards, an RF-4C was evaluated against the MiG-21. Unlike the Voodoo, the reconnaissance Phantom enjoyed a significant acceleration advantage
over the Fishbed-C at altitudes below 30,000 feet, particularly at military
power, giving the Phantom a wider set of escape options from pursuing
MiGs. The Phantom could carry its ECM equipment with a reduced drag penalty and,
unlike the Voodoo, could also carry a QRC-353A chaff dispenser which proved
effective in breaking radar lock of the MiG-21’s “High Fix” ranging radar. Also, having two sets of eyes in the Phantom was beneficial in picking up the very small visual
profile of the MiG-21 given the inability of the APR-25 RWR to give effective warning. While the results proved that the Voodoo
could survive against the MiG-21 under favorable conditions, flight evaluation
had shown that the RF-4C was significantly more survivable in the
threat environment over North Vietnam. The
decision to withdraw the Voodoo from combat operations over most of North
Vietnam had been clearly justified, and would not be reversed. However, events would prove that no matter
how old and worn the proud warhorse was becoming, the Voodoo was anything but
“being put out to pasture.”
Thursday, December 24, 2015
Bitter disappointment: The F-101 in SAC war plans
Yesterday's news reports of the publication of a declassified 1956 Strategic Air Command study of proposed targets has for many reasons already garnered worldwide notoriety. The report may be viewed here at the National Security Archive: http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb538-Cold-War-Nuclear-Target-List-Declassified-First-Ever/
What has not been mentioned is that along with the B-47s, B-52s, and missile systems was SAC's strategic fighter of the future, the F-101A Voodoo. By the time the study was commissioned in February 1956, the entire F-101 program was suffering multiple problems that would nearly lead to its cancellation. While the pitch-up problem was garnering most of the headlines, its still-secret armament concept, the McDonnell Model 96 weapon-fuel pod, was causing tremendous problems of its own. To this day, it remains virtually unknown even among those who otherwise know the Voodoo pretty well. But this study illustrates what the F-101A weapon system was intended to accomplish in the event of a general nuclear war, a supersonic intruder using unimaginably powerful weapons to blow gaping breaches in Soviet defenses in front of streams of B-47 and B-52 bombers with the intent of utterly destroying the Soviet Union. The scale of these SAC war plans for the late 1950s is mind-boggling, and it should give pause to both historians as well as those who today would propose the same mode of warfare against a different enemy. This history serves as both a lesson and a warning. It must never be revisited. The following is a re-edited section from my recent book on the F-101, incorporating new information based on SAC Report SM 129-56: Atomic Weapons Requirements Study for 1959:
Bitter disappointment: The F-101 in SAC war plans and the end of the Model 96
What has not been mentioned is that along with the B-47s, B-52s, and missile systems was SAC's strategic fighter of the future, the F-101A Voodoo. By the time the study was commissioned in February 1956, the entire F-101 program was suffering multiple problems that would nearly lead to its cancellation. While the pitch-up problem was garnering most of the headlines, its still-secret armament concept, the McDonnell Model 96 weapon-fuel pod, was causing tremendous problems of its own. To this day, it remains virtually unknown even among those who otherwise know the Voodoo pretty well. But this study illustrates what the F-101A weapon system was intended to accomplish in the event of a general nuclear war, a supersonic intruder using unimaginably powerful weapons to blow gaping breaches in Soviet defenses in front of streams of B-47 and B-52 bombers with the intent of utterly destroying the Soviet Union. The scale of these SAC war plans for the late 1950s is mind-boggling, and it should give pause to both historians as well as those who today would propose the same mode of warfare against a different enemy. This history serves as both a lesson and a warning. It must never be revisited. The following is a re-edited section from my recent book on the F-101, incorporating new information based on SAC Report SM 129-56: Atomic Weapons Requirements Study for 1959:
Bitter disappointment: The F-101 in SAC war plans and the end of the Model 96
Still far above the fray as all hell began to break
loose with the Voodoo and the strategic fighter concept in general, the Joint
Chiefs of Staff commissioned a study of atomic weapons requirements for 1959 as
SM 129-56 on 15 February 1956, published four months later on 15 June
1956. Anticipating both new bomber and
missile capabilities available to Strategic Air Command by that time, the study
assessed and prioritized a burgeoning list of strategic targets within the
Soviet Union and allied states. Target
categories for Strategic Air Command were: 1.) Soviet nuclear bomber, air
defense, and tactical aircraft; 2.) air bases, launch sites and depots; 3.) atomic
stockpile sites; 4.) military and government control centers; air industry and
resources directly supporting enemy air capability. Further strikes would be directed against Soviet
population centers. SAC medium and heavy
bomber forces in 1959 were projected to
consist of 1,267 B-47, 225 RB-47, 495 B-52 aircraft, along with strategic
missile forces consisting of 64 Snark ICCMs, 60 Rascal air-launched cruise
missiles, 72 Crossbow missiles, and 180 IRBMs.
Aircraft payloads would consist of MK 6 B and MK 6 C fission weapons, MK
15 boosted fission and MK 27 thermonuclear weapons, forming the primary
armament for the B-47 force. High-yield
MK 36 weapons would primarily be reserved for the B-52 force. RB-47s were programmed for the MK 28 as
primary armament, with the MK 27 as alternate.
Also among the SAC assets directed against 3,400 projected targets, or
Designated Ground Zeroes (DGZs) were a projected 150 F-101A Voodoo strategic
fighters by 1959, enough to equip two combat wings. Given the relatively short range and earliest
arrival of forward-based F-101A strategic fighters, their primary targets would
have consisted of Soviet fighter and interceptor bases and air defense sites,
although a handful of forward bomber bases would also be within range. As listed in SM 129-56, the primary weapon for
the F-101A was to be the MK 28 bomb, with the MK 27 as an alternate
weapon. Unlike the lower-yield MK 28-Y2 versions
slated for other nuclear-capable fighters like the F-100D and F-105, as a SAC
aircraft the F-101A would carry the more powerful MK 28-Y1 producing 1.1
megatons yield, ten times the destructive power of the W-5 weapon that the Voodoo had been redesigned to carry a few short years previously. The MK 27, slated as a
primary weapon for both the B-47 and the Rascal air-launched cruise missile,
had a yield of 2 megatons. Against
airfield targets, ground burst was specified to maximize blast radius, ensure
the collapse and destruction of any underground facilities, crater runways, and
produce enough heavy local fallout to prohibit repair or use of the target. Under visual delivery conditions, the
expected accuracy for the F-101A was a Circular Error Probable (CEP) of 600
feet. The unparalleled combination of
fighter speed and megaton-level punch of the F-101A constituted an extremely
formidable weapon in the hands of SAC planners.
But as the report was being written, it was all becoming for naught.
By the beginning of 1956, McDonnell had more pod concepts on the drawing boards, but flight test of the F-101/Model 96 combination was continuing to reveal serious problems. By this time, F-101As had arrived at Kirtland AFB, NM and were undergoing flight testing with the 4925th Test Group (Atomic), including 53-2441. McDonnell had developed two new electronic warfare versions of the Model 102 store, with formal design work beginning in November 1955, both retaining the original shape of the Model 96 store. The Model 102H contained both fuel and electronic countermeasures equipment. Interchangeable nose and tail assemblies were available, containing AN/ALT-6, AN/ALT-7, and/or AN/ALT-8 “noise” jammers, and an 11-carton capacity AN/ALE-1 chaff dispenser. The Model 102J store was not provided with jamming equipment, instead carrying 943 gallons of fuel along with an ALE-1 chaff dispenser with 20 cartons capacity. These were followed in March of 1956 when work began on a new design, the Model 117A store. Intended for both the F-101 and RF-101, the newer pod could contain various combinations of ALT-6B and ALT-8B dispensers along with an ALE-1 unit with a 20-carton capacity. Unlike the previous designs, the Model 117A apparently did not contain fuel. The equipment in these pods were standard for SAC B-47B-II and B-47E-II Stratojet aircraft that were upgraded with Phase III ECM equipment beginning in late 1954. By the beginning of 1956, SAC had made the decision to get out of the fighter business and would begin to deactivate its existing strategic fighter units. Given the change in mission and the forthcoming “Blue Cradle” EB-47E aircraft with Phase IV ECM to provide escort jamming support for the bombers, and the fact that the equipment was not standard for TAC (which in any case considered electronic countermeasures of little importance) work on these new ECM stores for the F-101 would eventually be cancelled.
Unfortunately,
it was becoming clear that the problems of the Model 96 store on the F-101 were nowhere near being
solved. In addition to the continuing
deficiencies in both directional and lateral stability, another serious problem
cropped up during testing. The Model 96 shape added a great deal of cross-sectional
area to the forward and middle of the aircraft, with a sharp drop-off in cross
sectional area aft of the wing. Under
the recently discovered “Area Rule”, this sharp discontinuity in the area
distribution would have led to higher than anticipated transonic drag. Given that the F-101 cruised and fought in
the transonic region, this increased drag resulted in a reduction in mission
radius and increased buffeting and associated control problems at
altitude.
In January 1955, the Air Force Special Weapons Center (AFSWC) stated that application of the thermonuclear XW-27 warhead to the Model 96 appeared feasible. With regard to the payload of the Model 96 store, word came down that major structural changes would be necessary for the Model 96 to accommodate the XW-27 warhead. Meanwhile, the W-5 warhead that the Model 96 was built to carry was already obsolete as smaller, lighter, and higher-yield weapons such as the MK 28 were on the horizon. These smaller weapons would offer at least as much yield as the Model 96 with negligible aerodynamic effects on the F-101 and, due to decreased weight and drag penalty, a similar combat radius when carrying one centerline weapon with two 450-gallon fuel tanks. Seeing rapidly diminishing returns ahead for continued development of the F-101/Model 96 combination, the XW-5/F-101 and XW-27/F-101 programs were canceled in March 1956 in favor of future integration with the MK 28. In the interim, the F-101 would make do with the relatively puny MK 7 weapons used by the F-84 once the Voodoo became operational with SAC strategic fighter wings. The upshot was that, while the F-101A remained useful for the nuclear delivery mission, it lacked the needed range and strategic-level “punch” that had been expected of the high-yield warheads to be accommodated in the Model 96 store. As with the air superiority mission, the F-101 was now unable to fulfill the anticipated vision of the “strategic fighter”. This meant that even before SM 129-56 was published in June 1956, the targeteers of Strategic Air Command had to go back to the drawing board to account for a strategic fighter that now appeared completely useless for its apocalyptic mission.
Sunday, October 4, 2015
"Zip" Fuels: the F-101 and Research on Borane Fuels
Last week saw the celebration of the 61st anniversary of the first flight of the F-101 Voodoo, on 29 September 1954. Ship No.1, 53-2418, had a very interesting career after initial flight testing. She was soon "bailed" to General Electric for tests with their new J79 engine, then under final stages of development for the Convair B-58A Hustler and Lockheed F-104A Starfighter. Due in part to the persistent compressor stalls encountered with the Pratt & Whitney J57-P-13 engines, the J79 garnered considerable interest from McDonnell for developed versions of the Voodoo. While it did not offer the fuel efficiency of the standard Pratt & Whitney engine, the J79 produced more thrust from a lighter engine and, most importantly, was free of compressor stalls, even with the initial Type I inlets that had caused so much grief for both the Air Force and McDonnell from its first flight. But as the J79 began to mature into an established engine, General Electric was already at work on a very advanced derivative, the much larger J93 engine intended for the North American B-70 Valkyrie bomber. Initial flight testing would take place with the J93-GE-3 engine, using hydrocarbon fuel. Six of these engines would propel the massive stainless steel bomber to speeds of over Mach 3. But design work proceeded on another version, the J93-GE-5, using a completely new, synthetic type of fuel that was so volatile it did not exist in nature. Rather than using petroleum-based hydrocarbon fuel, the new fuel was composed of a class of chemicals called boranes. Ground testing, in cooperation with the NACA, began in the mid-1950s using a modified J47 engine as a testbed. But by 1957, the time had come to begin planning for flight testing of modified engines with the new fuel. Given that the J93 was essentially a scaled-up J79 engine, the twin-engine General Electric Voodoo was selected for those historic tests. Below is the rest of the story:
Borane fuels were the focus of a great deal of research in the 1950s, with hundreds of millions of dollars quietly spent on their development. These materials reacted with oxygen like traditional hydrocarbon fuels, but offered nearly twice the energy for the same weight of fuel. In theory, an airplane using these fuels would need to expend less fuel to produce a given amount of thrust, resulting in greatly increased range. This made borane fuel an extremely attractive option for the B-70, a six-engine, Mach 3-capable aircraft that required intercontinental range without refueling. However, there were very serious drawbacks to the use of boranes as a practical fuel. Besides being extremely toxic, boranes are also extremely reactive. The same qualities that make them an excellent fuel also explain why they do not exist in nature—chemically, they are very unstable. Boranes have to be synthesized, a very expensive process. Diborane, the basic building block of all other borane compounds, is a gas that combusts simply on exposure to air at normal temperatures and pressures. Pentaborane, a liquid, spontaneously combusts at temperatures above 78°F and was itself too unsafe to use as a practical fuel. Decaborane, which is stable at normal operating temperatures, received serious attention from researchers as both a jet and rocket fuel, but is a solid at room temperature. Decaborane could be added to the air mixture of a turbine engine as a fine dust or mixed with a hydrocarbon liquid such as benzene. Unfortunately, the combustion products of borane fuels form a highly corrosive mixture of boric anhydride and water as well as extremely refractory deposits of boron carbide. (Slightly less hard than diamond, boron carbide is presently used as an industrial abrasive and has been used for cockpit armor on the Ling-Temco-Vought A-7D Corsair II). Injecting borane fuel into the combustion chambers of a turbojet would soon result in a wrecked engine.
Pursuant to the 21 June 1955 request for a study of the J79
engine for the Voodoo, Ship No. 1, 53-2418, was bailed to General Electric in
1956 and modified with a pair of YJ79 engines in place of its Pratt &
Whitney J57s. The keel area was reworked
to accommodate the new engines and the intakes were modified with longer
ramps. 53-2418 first flew with theYJ79
installation on 3 November 1956 with an initial fit of two YJ79 Phase 0
engines. Later that year, the NF-101A was modified with improved YJ79 Phase I
engines modified with the Basket Burner Test Package and the Parker afterburner
selector valve. During its service with
G.E., the aircraft also flew with YJ79-GE-3 and YJ79-GE-7 engines. In 1958, 53-2418 became the first aircraft to
flight test exotic borane-based high-energy “zip” fuel
(HEF). This was done as an adjunct to the General Electric J93-GE-5
program. The J93 was an enlarged
derivative of the J79 intended for use with the B-70 Valkyrie and F-108 Rapier.
The kerosene-fueled J93-GE-3 made it to the hardware stage and was
extensively flight-tested on the XB-70. Waiting on the drawing boards was the
J93-GE-5 engine, substituting borane compounds for traditional hydrocarbon
compounds as fuel.
Borane fuels were the focus of a great deal of research in the 1950s, with hundreds of millions of dollars quietly spent on their development. These materials reacted with oxygen like traditional hydrocarbon fuels, but offered nearly twice the energy for the same weight of fuel. In theory, an airplane using these fuels would need to expend less fuel to produce a given amount of thrust, resulting in greatly increased range. This made borane fuel an extremely attractive option for the B-70, a six-engine, Mach 3-capable aircraft that required intercontinental range without refueling. However, there were very serious drawbacks to the use of boranes as a practical fuel. Besides being extremely toxic, boranes are also extremely reactive. The same qualities that make them an excellent fuel also explain why they do not exist in nature—chemically, they are very unstable. Boranes have to be synthesized, a very expensive process. Diborane, the basic building block of all other borane compounds, is a gas that combusts simply on exposure to air at normal temperatures and pressures. Pentaborane, a liquid, spontaneously combusts at temperatures above 78°F and was itself too unsafe to use as a practical fuel. Decaborane, which is stable at normal operating temperatures, received serious attention from researchers as both a jet and rocket fuel, but is a solid at room temperature. Decaborane could be added to the air mixture of a turbine engine as a fine dust or mixed with a hydrocarbon liquid such as benzene. Unfortunately, the combustion products of borane fuels form a highly corrosive mixture of boric anhydride and water as well as extremely refractory deposits of boron carbide. (Slightly less hard than diamond, boron carbide is presently used as an industrial abrasive and has been used for cockpit armor on the Ling-Temco-Vought A-7D Corsair II). Injecting borane fuel into the combustion chambers of a turbojet would soon result in a wrecked engine.
In order to be usable, boranes had to be injected into the
afterburner section, well behind the more delicate engine components. This was the arrangement planned for the
J93-GE-5. Borane fuels were flight-tested with this
configuration for the first time on 28 September 1958, using the NF-101A with modified J79 engines as the test
bed. The flight tests themselves were
successful, but the borate deposits left in the nozzle and afterburner section
seriously degraded the usable life of the engines. Also, the borane fuel produced a great deal of smoke, enough
for some to judge it as being impractical and to be potentially unsafe during
takeoff. Despite the promise of borane fuels, their benefits were greatly outweighed
by safety concerns and by production and maintenance costs. Although not an important consideration in
the late 1950s, widespread use of these fuels with their acidic combustion
products could have also posed significant environmental problems. One borane compound, triethylborane (TEB) found use as a
catalyst for the ignition of the high-flashpoint JP-7 fuel of the SR-71. The Department of Defense abandoned work on
the J93-GE-5 in 1959, in large part due to the results of the flight test work
performed by the NF-101A. However, general research on borane fuels continued for some time afterwards.
By May of 1959, the NF-101A had had its J79 engines removed before the open
house at Edwards AFB that year. Thus,
the unwanted and little-heralded Voodoo played an integral part in what had
once been thought one of the most important and promising research programs of
the Cold War. Fortunately, this historic
aircraft has been preserved. After the
J79 installation was removed, 53-2418 was moved in 1960 to Amarillo AFB
Technical Training Center and used as a hydraulics trainer until placed on stands
outside of the base as a “gate guard”.
With the closure of the base in 1970, the aircraft was later sold as
excess property and purchased by Mr. Dennis E. Kelsey in February 1975. After residing on the grounds of Bell
Helicopter Co., 53-2418 was issued FAA Number N9250Z on 7 April 1976 and moved
to Pueblo, Colorado on 11 January 1977. At this writing, 53-2418 has been moved from
Pueblo and after extensive restoration work has been on display at the Evergreen Aviation and Space Museum in McMinniville, Oregon since 2013.
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